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This is a sobering list of those that died in order that utopian societies could flourish. The group A.N.S.W.E.R. which organized the anti Iraq war rallies and allowed North Korea to speak at them (the FBI is currently investigating them for getting money from N. Korea), N. Korea has killed 1.6 million civilians in both N. and S. Korea not including death by famine. It is important to understand what the anti- Iraq war marchers support.
Mao wasted up to 72 million to create a just society. 62,000 civilians have been killed in Tibet alone. Think My Lai was a horrible massacre in Nam? It was, but the North Vietnamese massacred over 300,000 civilians! After we left Viet Nam over 1 million were executed. And the list goes on and on. Also included is the numbers killed before we got to Iraq, the Soviets in Afghanistan and more. Let's start with why the left continues to support Stalin and his supporters (called "victims" by the left today.) excerpt:
The scale and nature of Soviet crimes invite these authors to risk comparisons to the Holocaust. In numbers, Stalinism certainly killed more people than the Shoah. Then again, Amis reminds us, Stalin had advantages over Hitler: "the burning cold of the Arctic...darkness...space... And, most crucially...time." In terms of the nature or character of the two episodes, there are obvious parallels, from open-air massacres to cattle cars to camp life. Most pointedly, those who ran camps in both systems deliberately used food and overwork to "manage" life spans, and to schedule many to die. Thus, in both, the "saved" had to live amidst the "drowned": healthier inmates were in the harrowing presence of those starving to death. Applebaum also insists on a crucial contrast with the Holocaust. The USSR identified its enemies along class and political lines much more mutable than the Nazi's rigid racial ones. This meant that there was no category of people "whose death was absolutely guaranteed," which made possible outcomes that were inconceivable for Jews under Nazism, such as release at the end of one's sentence. It also meant the system contained no extermination camps—although several sites came close when execution quotas were imposed in 1937-38. Robert Conquest does not flinch from describing the famine-terrorized Ukraine as "one vast Belsen." Two responses are in order. First, while the gulag may not have been designed to mass-produce corpses, nonetheless it produced them prodigiously. Given systematic deprivation, we might even say the system was partly—just not solely—designed to produce corpses. Second, the USSR's more mutable categories for designating "others" had a profoundly dark side. Nazism's rigid boundaries guaranteed death to targeted people, but virtually guaranteed immunity from severe repression to others, most obviously tens of millions of apolitical "Aryans." The USSR had no equivalent rubric for those guaranteed death, but also no equivalent for those guaranteed life. For long stretches under Stalin, as under the Khmer Rouge, virtually no one could live without substantial fear of being declared an enemy of the people. As Amis puts it, "Everyone was terrorized, all the way up: everyone except Stalin," who, like Saddam, ruled even his cabinet through fear. Leninism/Stalinism does not come close to matching the Holocaust as a conventional image of political crime. This is partly the result of simple ignorance—Amis says that was long the obstacle for him. But the bad news is that education is unlikely to remedy a disparity that is only partly the result of mere ignorance. There is, so to speak, a "sociology of knowledge" aspect to who has, and especially who has not, integrated Stalinism into their moral imagination. Many who downplay Stalinism do so willfully. Consider one forum. In the past five years, the Weekly Standard, National Review, and The Nation, have each run a similar number of book reviews relating to the Holocaust—it is everyone's genocide. But the left-liberal Nation reviewed noticeably more books than the other two on the crimes of, say, Latin American militaries, while the two center-right magazines each ran roughly three times as many reviews as The Nation of books touching on Communist repression. Arguably, it is worse when The Nation does review such books. When The Black Book of Communism and François Furet's Passing of an Illusion: The Idea of Communism in the Twentieth Century appeared, The Nation's review angrily dismissed them as polemics deployed by capitalist elites to "exploit a tragedy" and discredit reformism of any kind. You might not think it possible to review a book about "everyday Stalinism" without once using the words arrest, prison, shot, forced labor, gulag, or camp, and referring to famine only in the passive construction. But somehow, The Nation in another review found a way. Their treatment of Applebaum's book does not deny the suffering, but criticizes her for "exploit[ing] the gulag" for political reasons, emphasizing that it "is no easy matter...to separate the innocent from the guilty" (not even Stalin?) and insisting that the gulag cannot be connected to any larger political or moral narrative. Not even the fact that all Communist regimes created gulags and killed far more people than the regimes which came before or after them. This isn't ignorance; it's an agenda. Nonetheless, might it be considered as part of a legitimate ideological division of labor, in which "progressives" focus on the crimes of "right-wing" regimes and conservatives focus on left-wing ones? The implication of symmetry is grotesque. The problem is not that we should take lightly the 3,000 Chileans commonly said to have been killed by the Pinochet regime (we shouldn't). The problem is that the Soviet regime killed that many people, inside the camps alone, in 1942 alone, on average every three days. Devoting equal time to Pinochet and Stalin is to take Russian lives very lightly indeed. Even the 100,000 killed in Guatemala would be a footnote to historians of Stalin or Mao; 3,000 is a rounding error. Simply put, one of the two sides in this division of labor is focusing on the greatest mass murders in history, while the other is consistently looking away. By these standards, we are surrounded by what we might call gulag trivializers. As Amis notes, many people who would never deny Stalinism's horrors nonetheless cannot name a single camp, don't know the least detail of the terror-famine, and have no idea what the overall numbers look like. McCarthyism and apartheid come vividly to their minds; the gulag does not. They don't think Communism-themed cafes odd. And so long as they explain themselves carefully, they are willing to attend demonstrations against the Iraq war organized—as many of the main ones in the U.S. were—by A.N.S.W.E.R. (Act Now to Stop War and End Racism), a group whose guiding figures defend North Korea's Stalinist regime. MIKE'S NOTE- ANSWER, THE HEROES OF THE ANTI IRAQ WAR MOVEMENT SUPPORT: North Korea (1948 et seq.)
...when we are reproached with cruelty, we wonder how people can forget the most elementary Marxism. "How long will you keep killing people?" asked Lady Astor of Stalin in 1931. Probably 61,911,000 people, 54,769,000 of them citizens, have been murdered by the Communist Party--the government--of the Soviet Union. This is about 178 people for each letter, comma, period, digit, and other characters in this book. Old and young, healthy and sick, men and women, and even infants and infirm, were killed in cold-blood. They were not combatants in civil war or rebellions, they were not criminals. Indeed, nearly all were guilty of ... nothing. Some were from the wrong class--bourgeoisie, land owners, aristocrats, kulaks. Some were from the wrong nation or race-- Ukrainians, Black Sea Greeks, Kalmyks, Volga Germans. Some were from the wrong political faction--Trotskyites, Mensheviks, Social Revolutionaries. Or some were just their sons and daughters, wives and husbands, or mothers and fathers. And some were those occupied by the Red Army--Balts, Germans, Poles, Hungarians, Rumanians. Then some were simply in the way of social progress, like the mass of peasants or religious believers. Or some were eliminated because of their potential opposition, such as writers, teachers, churchmen; or the military high command; or even high and low Communist Party members themselves. In fact, we have witnessed in the Soviet Union a true egalitarian social cleansing and flushing: no group or class escaped, for everyone and anyone could have had counter-revolutionary ancestors, class lineage, counter-revolutionary ideas or thought, or be susceptible to them. And thus, almost anyone was arrested, interrogated, tortured, and after a forced confession of a plot to blow up the Kremlin, or some such, shot or sentenced to the dry guillotine--slow death by exposure, malnutrition, and overwork in a forced labor camp. Part of this mass killing was genocide, as in the wholesale murder of hundreds of thousands of Don Cossacks in 1919, And part of the killing was so random and idiosyncratic that journalists and social scientists have no concept for it, as in hundreds of thousands of people being executed according to preset, government, quotas. Says Vladimir Petrov (who in 1954 defected while a spy-chief in Australia and whose credibility and subsequent revelations were verified by a Royal--Australian-- Commission on Espionage
3,284,000 Victims: The Civil War Period 1917 to 1922 11,440,000 Victims: The Collectivization Period 1928-1935 4,345,000 Victims: The Great Terror Period 1935-1938 5,104,000 Victims: Pre-World War II Period 1939 to June, 1941 13,053,000 Victims: World War II Period June, 1941 to 1945 15,613,000 Victims: Post-War and Stalin's Twilight Period 1945-1953 6,872,000 Victims: Post-Stalin Period 1954-1987 People's Republic of China, Mao Zedong's regime (1949-1975)
AND THE LIST GOES ON AND ON................ |
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